As soon as Jerome Bonaparte finished speaking, the deputies, who had come to their senses, immediately recognized the undeniable determination in Jerome Bonaparte's words.

When a Caesar is resolute in carrying out a particular order, these "Elders" surrounding Caesar agree to all his decisions. The assembly suddenly became jubilant, with many deputies immediately standing up and raising their hands to salute Jerome Bonaparte with a standard Ancient Roman salute.

"Long live the Empire, long live the Emperor, long live Bonaparte!"

Amidst the cheers, the Legislative Corps unanimously approved Jerome Bonaparte's request for emergency appropriations for the war against Russia.

The proposal stipulates that France will issue short-term war bonds worth 50 million francs and long-term bonds worth 150 million francs for the French Empire's war expenses against the Russian Empire. During the war, if the French Army faces insufficient military funds, they can continue to issue war bonds to meet the French Empire's war needs.

In theory, there is no real limit to the war bonds. However, considering the actual national power of France, the Ministry of Finance concluded that the issuance limit of war bonds should preferably not exceed 500 million francs.

Otherwise, in the situation of excessive war bonds, it could easily affect the price fluctuations of the bonds themselves, turning war bonds into worthless paper.

The most straightforward example is the Russian Empire, where the attractiveness of their war bonds in the international market has become like worthless paper.

This results in all their military operations relying on their nation's strained finances to maintain the enormous military expenditure.

Amidst the cheers, Jerome Bonaparte brought the proposal, which had already passed, to the Senate.

In the Senate, Jerome Bonaparte once again recounted the "atrocities" of the Russian Empire to the Elders of the Senate.

The Elders of the Senate also angrily cast their supportive votes on the proposal.

After the success of both the Legislative Corps and the Senate, the next step was for the Council of State to carry out specific implementation.

Under the orders of the Council of State, the French Empire's Ministry of Finance began to take action on the emergency appropriation issue.

The short-term war bonds of 50 million francs were immediately placed in the pockets of the bankers of the Ministry of Railways, who felt somewhat appeased by the compensation and began to look forward to the upcoming long-term bonds of 150 million francs.

Meanwhile, the already-prepared General Staff began to act according to the plans formulated over the declaration of war.

Under the orders of the General Staff, the reserve division stationed in Strasbourg, motivated by the division commander and the division staff, began to assemble, with elite battalions scattered across Strasbourg forming a regiment, and three regiments forming a brigade... The advance formation of the brigade and division staff facilitated the rapid integration of units that did not originally belong to the same regiment.

A division of soldiers gathered within less than two days, and the Eastern Railway Bureau in Strasbourg, upon receiving the notice of the reserve division's completion, worked overtime to take action.

Unarmed soldiers queued at military train stations, ready to ride boxcars to the Lyon area, where they would join the Alpine reserve forces and remain in Lyon, awaiting further orders.

On the other hand, Kang Robel Division Commander (First Division), Bosskai Division (Second Division), and the Guard Division (Third Division), nearly 90,000 people in total, also assembled in Paris.

Under the personal command and dispatch of Minister of Railways Barroso, the Central Railway Bureau began transporting more than 90,000 soldiers in batches to France's Marseille.

These unarmed soldiers will receive their equipment in Marseille and then board the French Navy's fleet to head to the Varna region.

The six regiments of the Zouave Battalion stationed near the Constantine Province of French Algeria also mobilized, boarding the French Mediterranean Fleet ships under the leadership of MacMahon and Bazan. They will be at sea for about a week, reaching Rhodes Island, where they unload some unnecessary equipment before heading to Varna based on local conditions in the Ottoman Empire.

It can be said that, from late August to mid-September, the French Empire entered into an efficient and tense mobilization.

While Jerome Bonaparte was conducting a tense mobilization, Tsar Nicholas I of the Russian Empire, located in St. Petersburg, also received the "declaration of war" from the French Empire in early September.

When the French Envoy in Russia demanded in a commanding tone that Nicholas I immediately stop invading the Ottoman Empire, Nicholas I's first reaction was whether France had gone mad.

The Ottoman Empire itself, as the victim, has yet to complain to the Russian Empire, but the French Empire is prematurely backing the Ottoman Empire.

It's truly baffling.

Subsequently, Nicholas I said the exact same words in front of the French Envoy as the Russian Envoy once said before Jerome Bonaparte.

"I will never abandon the Christians in the Balkans!" Nicholas I responded to Jerome Bonaparte with a firm and devout attitude, and then threatened the French Envoy: "I hope the French Empire can reevaluate its actions and not go astray! Napoleon once lost his entire Empire due to misjudging the situation! Our army is fully prepared!"

To the eyes of the French Envoy, Nicholas I's threat was ludicrous, as the current Russian Imperial Army was no longer the army of 1812, yet their Emperor was still oblivious, indulging in the dreams of 1812.

"Your Majesty, if the Empire is unwilling to accept France's proposal, then I cannot stay in the Russian Empire any longer! As my country is ready to make war against you at any time!" The French Envoy said, in the humblest manner, the most arrogant of words.

"If the French Empire believes you can defeat the Russian Empire, then come! I will do just as my brother Alexander did in 1812. As long as foreign troops are on Russian soil, even if we are pushed beyond the Ural Mountains, we will never lay down our arms." Nicholas I yelled at the French Envoy, his face flushed with excessive anger.

Nicholas I now resembled a wounded beast, baring its fangs at any enemy that posed a threat to him.

The French Envoy still calmly looked directly at Nicholas I, then slightly bowed and left.

When the French Envoy left Tsarskoye Selo alone and returned to the French Embassy in St. Petersburg, he "coincidentally" encountered Lord Seymour, the British Envoy.

At the enthusiastic invitation of the French Envoy, Lord Seymour returned with him to the French Embassy in Russia.

Sitting on the red cushioned sofa in the Embassy, the French Envoy first exchanged a few pleasantries with Lord Seymour.

As the conversation grew more engaging, he pretended to accidentally reveal to Lord Seymour what happened after he went to Tsarskoye Selo.

After listening to the French Envoy's account, Lord Seymour immediately understood what the French Empire might do next.

"What a pity that is!" Lord Seymour shook his head and said to the French Envoy.

"Indeed! However, I believe your country will soon be like the French Empire! A highly aggressive nation can never gain true friends!" The French Envoy smiled slightly, hinting at the Russian Empire.

"That depends on the will of the British Cabinet!" Lord Seymour replied to the French Envoy.

After some sporadic conversation, Lord Seymour left the French Embassy.

The next day, the French Envoy departed St. Petersburg on a speedboat.

Lord Seymour was once again summoned by Nicholas I to Tsarskoye Selo.

In one of the guest rooms at the Catherine Palace, Lord Seymour saw Nicholas I, who appeared somewhat restless, pacing the room for a long time until Lord Seymour arrived.

"You support me, right?" At the first sight, Nicholas I asked Ambassador Seymour with eager eyes, his words disjointed.

"Your Majesty, I don't understand what you're saying?" Although Lord Seymour had already guessed the full intent of Nicholas I, he responded with an impassive face.

"What I mean is... is..." Nicholas I hesitated for a few seconds, reorganizing his words: "On the issue of the Near East, the Kingdom of Britain and the Russian Empire should collaborate. I believe your Prime Minister, Lord Aberdeen, thinks the same as I do. He is a true gentleman!"

Nicholas I played the "solidarity" card, then began to state facts and reasons: "We all know the Ottoman Empire is beyond saving, and no means can rescue it! Rather than let the Ottoman Empire wait silently for death, why not divide its legacy while it still lives! Britain gains Egypt and Cyprus... Austria gains... Russia gains..."

"Is the Austrian Empire of the same mind?" Lord Seymour waited till Nicholas I finished before querying again.

Nicholas I's eyes wavered slightly, then he replied with a confident tone: "Though I have not specifically discussed this issue with my brother, Franz Joseph, I believe they share my sentiments on the Ottoman Empire!"

When Nicholas I said this, Lord Seymour affirmed that the Austrian Empire had not at all boarded Nicholas I's bandwagon, and everything was merely an excuse by Nicholas I.

"Whether the Ottoman Empire collapses should depend on the Ottoman Empire itself, and Britain too does not wish to see a nation face the risk of collapse!"

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