Delhi – Prime Minister's Office, South Block – March 15th, 1949
Morning sunlight streamed through the windows of South Block, illuminating the polished floors and dark wood furniture. Arjun sat at his desk with a cup of tea, looking completely calm.
Yesterday's four bills were now officially laws.
Outside his window, Delhi whirred with the energy of a nation that was changing rapidly. Most people had no idea that these quiet policy changes had just sent shockwaves through Britain's financial establishment.
London – Cabinet Office – March 15th, 1949
The news had hit London's corridors of power like a bomb. Financial newspapers were running headlines about "India Nationalises Key Institutions" and "Former Crown Jewel Tightens Capital Controls."
In government offices, whispers of outrage were growing louder by the hour.
Prime Minister Clement Attlee sat in the Cabinet Office with Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and Chancellor Stafford Cripps. Sir Alexander Cadogan was on a crackling secure line from New York, and even his usually steady voice sounded strained.
"It's insanity," Cripps said, barely controlling his anger. "Complete nationalization of their central bank. Every rupee is now under Delhi's control. Our bonds, our investments - all at their mercy."
Attlee was already calculating the broader implications. "What about their new securities commission? They'll regulate all investments, including what our companies hold in Indian industry. They've essentially frozen our ability to move capital around.
And that pension act funnels domestic savings into state projects. That's money that might have come to London."
A Treasury official also quipped in nervously. "The tax changes make it worse, sir. Simplified brackets, tax-free pension contributions - they're incentivizing Indians to keep their money at home. Foreign investors have fewer ways to extract profits. We're being systematically cut out."
Bevin stood up and started pacing, his face red with frustration. "And then they have the nerve to offer us 'compensation'! Twelve million pounds total for four British companies! But paid from our own sterling debt, not their treasury! They're forcing us to reward companies they consider 'worthy' while threatening everyone else!"
Cripps looked bitter. "It's...insulting, Ernest! He's basically weaponizing our financial obligations, and then asking us to pay for his selective favoritism."
"They know exactly what they're doing," Attlee said grimly. "This compensation scheme will split our business community. The companies that get rewarded will resist any retaliation against India.
At least not until they're absolutely forced to do so. The ones that don't will wonder why they were excluded. He's turning our own industrial base against itself."
Attlee looked around the room. "We can't appear on the backfoot. Remember, publicly, we'll welcome India's progress. But privately, gentlemen, understand this: Prime Minister Mehra is the most dangerous kind of opponent.
He defeats us with superior strategy, and this has already happened earlier as well. Haa...if only our hands weren't tied to all these endless troubles."
Attlee leaned back in his chair, closing his eyes and trying to remember the once glorious Britania.
Overall, the frustration in Whitehall was palpable.
Finally, after getting back to the reality, Attlee spoke again, "Prepare to address the House of Commons, those conservatives wouldn't miss this chance to grill us."
London – House of Commons – March 15th, 1949 – Afternoon Session
The afternoon sitting of the House of Commons was tense. What had begun as routine questions about colonial affairs had quickly escalated into an emergency debate about India's financial reforms.
The Speaker had allowed an urgent question from Conservative MP Sir Winston Churchill, and the chamber was packed.
Churchill rose from the opposition benches, his voice carrying across the hushed chamber. "Mr. Speaker, the actions of the Indian government represent nothing short of financial treachery against those who served the Crown faithfully for decades.
Thousands of British civil servants, military officers, and their families now find their pension arrangements unilaterally altered by Delhi's new pensions and investment security act."
Murmurs of agreement rippled through the Conservative benches. Churchill continued, his tone growing more forceful. "These men served in India with honor, expecting their retirement to be secured by arrangements made in good faith.
Now they discover that their pensions are subject to Indian bureaucracy, Indian regulations, and Indian whims. What assurance can the Prime Minister give that Britain will protect these loyal servants?"
Attlee rose to respond, but Conservative MP Sir David Maxwell Fyfe interrupted. "Mr. Speaker, it's worse than pension theft. This securities commission will scrutinize every British investment in India.
Our companies will be subject to Indian regulatory approval for basic business operations. They've turned the tables completely – we're now the supplicants!"
The Labour benches stirred uncomfortably. Attlee waited for order, then spoke carefully. "The Honourable Members raise legitimate concerns. We are in communication with the Indian government about transition arrangements for existing pension obligations.
However, we must recognize that India is a sovereign nation with the right to regulate its own financial institutions."
Conservative MP Anthony Eden stood up sharply. "Sovereign or not, they're using British sterling debt – money we owe them – to selectively compensate certain British companies while leaving others exposed! It's extortion disguised as generosity!"
"Here, here!" came shouts from across the Conservative benches.
Churchill leaned forward. "Prime Minister, what of retaliation? Surely, we have economic leverage? Trade restrictions? Currency controls? We cannot simply accept this financial coup d'état!"
Attlee's response was measured but revealed Britain's weakness. "Any punitive measures would harm our own recovery more than India's growth. They hold significant sterling balances – restricting trade would damage our export industries precisely when we need them most. Our manufacturers depend on Indian markets."
Labour MP Aneurin Bevan rose unexpectedly. "Perhaps the Prime Minister could clarify – can we seek support from our Commonwealth partners? Surely Australia, Canada, South Africa would join us in pressuring India?"
Foreign Secretary Bevin answered grimly. "Commonwealth pressure would be ineffective. Prime Minister Mehra has shown remarkable indifference to diplomatic pressure when India's interests are at stake."
Conservative MP Harold Macmillan pressed further. "What about American support? Surely Washington recognizes the precedent this sets for post-colonial economic relationships?"
Bevin's response was even more sobering. "The Americans have substantial and growing investments in Indian industry. Their policy appears to be studied neutrality. They view India's financial independence as potentially beneficial to American interests, not threatening to them."
The chamber fell silent as the implications sank in. Britain was essentially isolated on this issue.
Churchill rose again, his voice heavy with frustration. "Mr. Speaker, what of the precedent this sets? If we accept India's financial coup, what prevents other territories from following suit? Are we to watch the systematic dismantling of British economic interests across the Commonwealth?
Also, Prime Minister speaks of 'practical constraints' - but what about the moral obligation? We promised these men security in retirement. If we abandon them now, how can we expect loyalty from civil servants in Malaya, Ceylon, or Africa? Surely they must be watching this very closely."
Chancellor Cripps responded reluctantly. "We are exploring compensation mechanisms for affected civil servants. However, the cost would be considerable, and our financial position remains... constrained."
Eden seized on this admission. "So British taxpayers must pay twice – once for the original pension promises, and again to compensate for India's financial maneuvers? While they use our own sterling debt to reward selected British companies?"
The Conservative benches erupted in angry shouts. Labour members couldn't help but glance around.
Attlee raised his voice for order. "Honourable Members, we face a new reality. India possesses both the economic strength and political will to pursue complete financial independence. Our options are limited not by lack of resolve, but by practical constraints."
The chamber fell silent.
Speaker Morrison called for order as murmurs spread throughout the House. The debate had revealed what many had suspected but few had articulated: Britain's influence over India was not just diminished, it was effectively reversed.
Delhi now held the stronger hand economically, and London's options for retaliation were severely limited.
As the session concluded, members filed out quietly, understanding that they had just witnessed the parliamentary acknowledgment of a fundamental shift in post-imperial power relations.
India was no longer seeking British approval, it was operating from a position of strength, and Britain was learning to adapt to its new, more limited role.
Delhi – Prime Minister's Office – Evening
That evening, Arjun received London's official response: a carefully worded note from the British Embassy. It acknowledged his communication about the legislative reforms and compensation package with diplomatic politeness but no warmth.
"The Government of the United Kingdom acknowledges receipt of your communication regarding recent legislative reforms," it read. "We note your generous gesture to certain British companies and look forward to continued collaboration, provided mutual respect for sovereignty is maintained."
No mention of the bank nationalization, securities commission, pension act, or tax reform. Just veiled acknowledgment of the twelve-million-pound compensation.
Arjun smiled slightly, sipping his tea. "It seems they understand that Britain can't retaliate, Sardar-ji."
Patel grunted, looking out at Delhi's twinkling lights. "Of course, it's time they get a reality check that India is no longer a British colony."
Arjun's eyes reflected the lamplight.
He knew that in his timeline, just like now, Britain didn't retaliate. But that was because it only involved nationalization of RBI, and not the Pension and Investment reforms like now. And these 2 were basically their reverse scale.
But looks like all those changes that India went through under him, has cancelled out any potential retaliation from Britian.
Well, the show's just getting started, there's plenty more to come in the future.
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[A/N: Got a bit late]
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